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Öğe A comparative analysis on the role of culture and language in the early phases of nation building in the middle east(Istanbul Aydin University, 2024) Sezer, SelimAs most of the nationalism studies indicate, language and culture are among the crucial elements of the nation-building process. The revival or construction of the national language and culture played a significant role in the formation of national identities of 20th century’s Syria, Lebanon and Israel as well, and these processes find their origins in the late 19th century. Syrian intellectuals developed a multi-faced cultural awakening pattern called as Nahda, in which the Arabic language had a pivotal place. Lebanese Maronite elites planted the first seeds of Phoenicianism, which saw the ancient Phoenicia as the genuine origin of Lebanon. This meant that the Lebanese had their unique identity, which is separate from the Arabs, and this brought the efforts to have a new historiography. At the same period, the pioneers of cultural Zionism – Jewish intellectuals who did not live in the region at the beginning – made huge efforts for the revival of Hebrew language, and this paved the way for the efforts of the political Zionism. Despite significant differences and unique aspects, these three currents had also many points that were similar to each other and to other nation-building efforts in the world, and they all played significant roles in the shaping of new nation-states.Öğe 'A pretty bad reputation': reflections of 'the 31 March incident' on Ottoman Syria, its background, and its immediate consequences(Routledge Journals, Taylor & Francis Ltd, 2023) Sezer, SelimThis article elaborates how the Islamist-led revolt that erupted in Istanbul in April 1909 against the Committee of Union Progress was reflected in cities of Ottoman Syria, as well as its sources and the immediate results in terms of relations between the policymakers in Istanbul and the elites of Syria. Using primary sources such as Ottoman journals and archival documents together with several secondary sources concerning various aspects of that process, the article gives a descriptive narrative about the revolt/coup attempt itself, the events experienced in Syria and its aftermath on one hand. On the other hand, it tries to reveal the origins of the relative support given to the revolt in Syria by trying to draw a general picture of the Syrian region in late Ottoman period, taking in consideration various analyses in the existing literature in a critical way. The article claims that the revolt was supported in cities like Damascus and Nablus for both ideological and deep-rooted social reasons. It also shows how the Committee of Union of Progress, which was already prejudiced against Syrian Arabs, adopted an even more negative stance and closed one of their organizations which became in fact a scapegoat.Öğe Comprendre et contextualiser l’évacuation de Jaffa en 1917(Galatasaray University, 2024) Sezer, SelimCet article examine et discute les aspects divers, ainsi que les raisons éventuelles de l’évacuation de la population de Jaffa en 1917 par l’ordre de Djamal Pacha, sous prétexte de risque d’une attaque immédiate. L’évacuation de cette ville palestinienne qui avait une population arabo-juive mélangée et qui était un des centres de l’initiative sioniste avait été vue par la presse occidentale de l’époque comme une attaque délibérée contre les Juifs, et une part considérable de l’historiographie a continué à y voir une persécution anti-juive. Comparant les récits différents et essayant de dessiner un tableau aussi large que possible, cet article souligne que le Comité d’union et progrès n’a pas un passé antisémite, et que cette mesure extraordinaire de Djamal Pacha est d’abord le résultat des nécessités militaires. Cependant, Jaffa avait un lieu pivotal dans le projet de la création d’un foyer national juif en Palestine, et même si le gouvernement ottoman avait été plutôt indifférent vers le sionisme avant la Première guerre mondiale, il a commencé à utiliser tous les outils contre ce courant qui était dès lors vu comme étant un péril pour l’autorité absolu du gouvernement pendant la guerre. Il semble évident que Djamal Pacha a utilisé cette évacuation, qui aura un certain prix humanitaire, comme une occasion pour porter un coup à ce projet.Öğe Suriye Savaşının Yermuk Filistin Mülteci Kampı Üzerindeki Etkileri(2019) Sezer, SelimBu makalede 2011 yılında başlayan Suriye savaşının başkent Şam’ın dışkısımlarında bulunan Yermuk isimli Filistin mülteci kampı üzerindeki etkileri elealınmaktadır. 1957 yılında kurulan ve Suriye’deki Filistin mülteci kamplarının enbüyüğü olan Yermuk’ta 2012 yılından itibaren iç bölünme ve çatışmalar başlamış,muhalif grupların kontrolüne geçmesi sonrasında kamp hükümet/rejim güçleritarafından kuşatma altına alınmış, 2015 yılında IŞİD kontrolüne geçmiştir. 2018yılında Şam periferisine düzenlenen operasyonlar dizisi kapsamında ise Yermukkampında da hükümet/rejim güçlerinin kontrolü sağlanmıştır. Makalede, bir arkaplan ve karşılaştırma zemini olarak 1948’den 2011’e kadar olan dönemde Filistinlimültecilerin kendilerini içinde buldukları çatışmalar ve sosyal-siyasi koşullar kısacairdelendikten sonra, 2012’den itibaren Yermuk’ta yaşanan süreçler kronolojikaçıdan incelenmekte, süreçlere ilişkin farklı tarafların yorumları değerlendirilmekteve kampta yaşanan süreçlerin hem Suriye savaşının yaşandığı diğer bölgelerdekisüreçlerle, hem de 2011 öncesindeki diğer bölgesel çatışma örnekleriyle benzer vefarklı yanları tartışılmaktadır.
